News and Updates

When writing or recording history it is always useful to understand that what you capture will in no way come close to being the definitive record. History or the telling of it is not some long-dead event frozen in the past, but an evolution of material and artifacts unearthed through ongoing research and the openness of others to share.

In many cases–and sometimes frustratingly so–new relevant material drops onto your lap once a book is published, arriving in the form of an envelope or email from someone who has read the book and would like to share a treasured old letter, diary, or in the case of Terry Harcombe, her grandfather’s logbook from the First World War.

The logbook, which is more of a diary, was compiled by English-born Leslie S. Greenhill and it is remarkable for how well it sheds light on the Chinese Labour Corps’ dangerous and secretive journey from northeastern China to Canada and onto war-torn France. This is the very stuff of my 2019 book Harry Livingstone’s Forgotten Men: Canadians and the Chinese Labour Corps in the First World War.

Greenhill was a thirty-seven-year-old bachelor working as secretary of the Hong Kong Land Investment Agency when his life took a sharp turn. The junior officer in the British Army reserve was dispatched from the then-British crown colony to the CLC manning depot at Weihaiwei in northeastern China. His orders were to help escort some 2,400 members of the CLC. Not only would Greenhill travel with the contingent across the stormy Pacific on the Empress of Asia, he would cross Canada by rail on a CPR-CLC special, and eventually onto Liverpool via Montreal and Halifax.

Along the way there were deaths at sea, an on-board riot as the ship reached Vancouver, and more trouble after the contingent reached the East Coast.

Part 1

The logbook begins on Monday, April 16, 1917, at Weihaiwei when Greenhill writes that the embarkation of the Chinese labourers or “coolies” is completed by 2:30 p.m. An hour later the Empress of Asia departs amid confusion owing to the number of men who came aboard in the wrong order and the hasty allotment of available bunks in steerage. “Some 85 had to remain on deck until the evening until bunks could be found for them.”

Food was doled out to the men at 4 p.m. “but a good deal of trouble has been caused by the crew offering articles (watches, food, etc.) for sale to the coolies at exorbitant prices. Police patrolled the ship’s decks and alleyways, but by 10 p.m. the labourers had settled down to sleep…and were quiet and orderly.”

Breakfast was served at 8 a.m. on the 17th and throughout the day the distribution of food went well thanks to a tally system introduced by the ship’s steward. Selected Chinese labourers, who Greenhill refers to as “lance corporals”–each in charge of 140 men–were paraded and handed a tally ticket for the meal about to be served. The men also received updated instructions that were to be passed on to those in their charge.

Meanwhile, the selling of various articles smuggled on board continued despite the crackdown. There was also a problem with the stores or supplies taken onboard. “Unable to open the canteen as the packages of stores shipped were not adequately marked & had to be sorted out. The Quartermaster and officer appointed to take charge of canteen were busy sorting stores until after 10 p.m.”

At Nagasaki on the 18th, Japanese quarantine officials boarded and the labourers were lined up and examined. “This was carried out by sending all onto the promenade deck & examination took place chiefly at the after hatch (rear of the ship)…. Three coolies found to be sick.” Soon one of the conducting officers became ill. “Mr. Forbes was seized with what the ship’s doctor said was an epileptic fit.”

Greenhill noted that while still at Nagasaki, sampans came alongside “and without the aid of a police boat it was impossible to prevent the selling of oranges, apples & other articles.” He also observed that the “bonus of $20 given to coolies has been the main stumbling block to the maintenance of order…. One coolie caught buying articles in crews’ quarters and showing resistance was handcuffed & locked up for 6 hours as an example.”

A logbook entry for April 19th notes that CLC interpreter No. 13846 was reported missing the previous evening after the ship left Nagasaki. “Can only conclude that he dressed in European clothes…& went ashore…. Coolie No. 11621 died at 5:30 p.m. from obstruction of the bowels. Reported sick yesterday & put under medical treatment. Agreed with doctor that the best thing would be to keep the body onboard until arrival at Yokohama, as the coolie was sick at Nagasaki & his name, etc., had probably been reported.”

The Empress of Asia reached Yokohama at 9:30 a.m., April 20th and although the labourers were once again lined up for medical inspection, an examination did not follow. Local police were assigned to patrol the wharf to –according to Greenhill–“prevent desertions. Gun police placed at likely places to keep coolies in order.”

Later that day, seven more members of the CLC were brought to the ship. Due to illness, the men had been left behind by another transport. “Agreed to take six (one being still seedy & as he had been down with pneumonia & cold weather is anticipated doctor agreed with me it wasn’t worth risking),” wrote Greenhill. So presumably, that man was left behind.

At midday on the 21st, the ship commenced its transpacific voyage to Canada. “Decided to put body of dead coolie No. 11621 overboard, there being no sign of opposition amongst senior Chinese. Burial [at sea] took place short[ly] after 9 p.m. when deck was clear.”

By the 22nd, noted Greenhill, “a large percentage of coolies [were] seasick.” By the next day, Forbes–the man who suffered an epileptic seizure–was down with pneumonia. On the 24th, labourer No. 13490 was sentenced to two days incarceration on reduced rations after he was found in the ship’s cooks quarters. Rough weather on the night of April 25th made the labourers too sick to attend morning parade on the 26th. Then on the 27th, labourer “No. 11592 died of heart failure due to affection (infection) of the lungs about 5:30 p.m. Burial took place at 8:45 p.m.” Greenhill noted on the 28th that the total number of labourers on board was 2,404–even though the ship had sailed from Weihaiwei with 2,401. However, Greenhill completed his logbook entry for the 28th by stating that labourer No. 11614 died at 3 p.m. that day of “obstruction of the bowels.”

The ship finally reached the William Head Quarantine Station on Vancouver Island at 9 a.m., April 30th. Again, the men were medically examined and it was determined two had the mumps while another had the measles. There were also nine men suffering from what Greenhill described as “non-infectious” ailments. The sick appear to have been landed and exchanged for twelve other members of the CLC. Greenhill noted the transport reached Vancouver via Victoria by 8 p.m. that day.

But shortly afterwards, there was trouble on the Empress of Asia, as noted in Greenhill’s logbook entry for May 1. “At about 8 p.m. a serious fight started between ships’ firemen & coolies. Origin so far as I have been able to learn was owing to a dispute between the sergeant of XV “B” [Company] and a fireman. The former is said to have struck the latter. In any case the firemen all came out into the steerage alleyway armed with iron bars & (I am told) knives. I was informed of the trouble by the orderly officer & went below. Kept two crowds apart, while other officers together with assistance from ship’s officers separated others. Watertight doors were closed & as far as possible parties kept apart. The fire hose was brought into use & police or military telephoned for. On arrival of assistance we were able to get things straightened out. Sentries posted & crew sent up to temporary quarters from which they were cut off from steerage. No more trouble. One man unconscious & several cut.”

Please stay tuned for Part 2 of the Greenhill story.